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462 Journal of Contemporary History 53(2) that national governments, either acting unilaterally or in intergovernmental cooperation, rather than the Community itself, were central to shaping the Cold War. However, the fact that this book is intended as a companion to Gilbert’s volume European Integration: A Concise History, probably explains this point. By way of conclusion, Gilbert characterizes Europe’s Cold War in two ways. First that for Europeans the ‘Cold War was primarily the story of the unravelling of communism as a political ideal’ and second that it was also a period in which ‘West European elites chafed at the burden of their military obligation to the United States’ (pp. 296–7). Cold War Europe proves both these central points. Lindsay Aqui Queen Mary University of London, UK Leslie James, George Padmore and Decolonisation from Below: Pan-Africanism, the Cold War and the End of Empire, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2015; x + 274 pp.; £22.50 pbk; ISBN 97811349469062 The study of black and African intellectual history, and its location in transnational activist networks, has recently generated insightful studies that take such people’s ideas seriously and locate them in a mid-twentieth century context in which contested notions of decolonization and racial liberation were debated in new media, private and public spaces, in metropoles and across the empires.5 Leslie James makes a major contribution to these works with her enlightening study of George Padmore’s life and, particularly, his ideas, demonstrating that, perhaps more than any other individual, he shaped a generation of radical Africanist thinkers and the political direction of newly independent Anglophone Africa. James focuses on Padmore’s writings – correspondence, newspaper articles and books – to explore his aims and audiences as a radical Pan-Africanist intellectual. She brieﬂy charts Padmore’s personal and political journey from the Caribbean to London via Harlem, Moscow and Hamburg, but little detail is provided on Padmore’s ; early life or what made him such a determined individual, who survived his disillusionment with the Comintern, yet continued to pursue African liberation through a Leninist approach. This he did in London from 1934 to 1957, where Padmore’s house was a base for intellectuals and activists from across the British empire, and where his wife Dorothy Pizer was central to his intellectual networking and output. James emphasizes the importance of ideas and the individual, rejecting more structural approaches to the history of decolonization and the early Cold War. James makes clear that she is less interested in ‘mood’ and aﬀect than questions of systemic colonial violence and racism, and political responses to them. In this, 5 Most relevant are: M. Matera, Black London: The Imperial Metropolis and Decolonization in the Twentieth Century (Berkeley, CA 2015); M. Goebel, Anti-Imperial Metropolis: Interwar Paris and the Seeds of Third World Nationalism (Cambridge 2015); H. Adi, Pan-Africanism and Communism: The Communist International, Africa and the Diaspora, 1919–1939 (Trenton NJ 2013). Book Reviews 463 deliberately or not, she reﬂects her largely unreﬂective subject: Padmore was not interested in introspective self-examination or what would now be termed ‘intersectionality’ and in this sense forms a fascinating contrast to Fanon, a far more celebrated ﬁgure today. James successfully makes the case for seeing Padmore as a more ﬂexible, subtle thinker than previous analysts who have emphasized either the enduring impact of his Marxism-Leninism, or his Pan-Africanist critique of global communism’s relegation of racial struggles to the primacy of class.6 Padmore decisively broke away from black/African(ist) intellectuals who accepted the ‘superiority’ of western civilization while bemoaning the racial indignities it generated. He demonstrated the centrality of race – an under-acknowledged pillar of British imperialism and a daily reality for colonial subjects who understood, as did Padmore, that British eﬀorts to instruct and improve were predicated on a belief in racial superiority. In breaking with the Comintern, Padmore articulated key anti-colonial tenets: that the emancipation of nonEuropean peoples was not a secondary issue ﬁrst requiring a Western workingclass revolution, and that it must be pursued by a transnational alliance of peoples deﬁned by capitalist imperialism as racially inferior. Padmore’s envisaged audience was however often the European working-class, whom he sought to persuade of this necessity. Nonetheless, while Padmore emphasized the vanguard role of African workers, over time he allied less with European working-class organizations and more with black elites. The Second World War was, as so often, a catalyst; as James notes, Padmore was in 1939 a Leninist opposed to an imperial capitalist war, but by 1945 was stressing the possibilities for progressive alliances for peaceful decolonization: indeed, he was opportunistic in identifying and seizing this moment of change, building alliances with moderate black leaders and shifting emphasis from revolutionary insurrection to reformist mass action. Unfortunately, the excitement of this period is interrupted by Chapter 4, a lengthy and introspective examination of Padmore’s newspaper journalism; his proliﬁc output is demonstrated but not always in a way that conveys the excitement or energy of his work (more direct quotations would have been useful). James shows how Padmore wrote to encourage unity across the colonized world by, for example, enthusing Kenyan readers about strikes in the Gold Coast. In the post-Second World War context of the ‘second colonial occupation’, Padmore rejected new welfare services as masking Africa’s deeper exploitation: Africa did not need colonial welfare, he wrote in 1943, because Africa was not poor, but rich and exploited. By the early 1950s, as the hitherto distant prospects for decolonization were rapidly foreshortened, the ideological ﬁrebrand focused pragmatically on the transfer of power: ‘And although political mobilization remained absolutely crucial to Padmore’s organizing, elite negotiation and strong leadership came to the fore . . .’ (p. 122). Here James makes a critical point: while this period is commonly understood 6 For the latter, see G. Padmore, Pan-Africanism or Communism: The Coming Struggle for Africa (London 1956). 464 Journal of Contemporary History 53(2) as one in which moderate elite anti-colonialism was displaced by mass-based, militant nationalism, Padmore travelled the other way, away from radical socio-economic transformation and towards the immediate goal of national independence. James is clear that, in doing so, Padmore – like Nkrumah – saw national independence as a stepping stone to later radical change. Chapters 7 and 8 explore Padmore’s views on nationalism and his work as Nkrumah’s advisor on African Aﬀairs from December 1957 until his death in September 1959. Here Padmore is revealed as a powerfully modernist thinker, identifying ‘tribalism’ as ‘the greatest menace facing Africa’ (p. 143). But the titular suggestion that Padmore was engaged in ‘decolonization from below’ seems misplaced: he emerges as a patrician ﬁgure uneasy with the African ‘masses’ and supportive of Nkrumah’s growing authoritarianism. James’ sympathetic reading is undermined by the evidence that, in encouraging the notion that power would only be transferred to a government and party ‘able to speak with one voice’ (p. 139), and advocating a ‘period of benevolent dictatorship’ (p. 167), he was one of the fathers of the African one-party state. These minor caveats notwithstanding, James provides compelling evidence that, to fully understand Africa’s decolonization and limited independence, we need to take seriously the ideas of African(ist) thinkers, among whom Padmore was perhaps the most signiﬁcant. Miles Larmer University of Oxford, UK and University of Pretoria, South Africa Patrick Iber, Neither Peace nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 2015; 327 pp.; £32.95 hbk; ISBN 9780674286047 Renata Keller, Mexico’s Cold War: Cuba, the United States, and the Legacy of the Mexican Revolution, New York, NY, Cambridge University Press, 2015; 274 pp.; US$103.00 hbk; ISBN 9781107079588 In recent years, scholars of the Cold War have increasingly turned their attention to the Third World, decentering traditional approaches that prioritize the struggle between the USA and the Soviet Union. Two new books, Patrick Iber’s Neither Peace nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America and Mexico’s Cold War: Cuba, the United States, and the Legacy of the Mexican Revolution by Renata Keller, represent important contributions to this history. The two authors draw attention to the speciﬁcities of Latin America’s Cold War, where global tensions were grafted onto existing struggles. While Keller focuses on distinctly Mexican tensions, Iber looks to Latin America – and Mexico, in particular – as a transnational site, examining the clash of ideas that were carried into the region largely by political exiles. Both authors demonstrate the power of the Cold War to change the contours of long-simmering conﬂicts, to hijack existing struggles and limit the parameters within which they could play out. Neither Peace nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America is a beautifully crafted work, an exemplary transnational history that delves into the global